COMMENT: THE
GAME-CHANGING POTENTIAL OF THE B-21
written by Liam Garman | December 1, 2021
The B-21 is expected to be the world’s most
advanced, cost-effective long-range strike capability, writes Liam Garman,
editor of Australian Aviation’s sister title Defence Connect.
With recent technology sharing arrangements in
place under the AUKUS agreement, Australia must make the case to our US allies
to procure B-21s and to house one of the world’s most fearsome deterrents right
in our airbases.
The technology sharing arrangements underpinning
the AUKUS partnership evidence a derogation in longstanding US defence policy.
The liberal democratic world, with the US at its epicentre, has maintained
global security through the qualitative superiority of US military hardware
thus acting as a deterrent against acts of aggression and outright armed
conflict.
Willingness for the US to undertake technology
sharing arrangements, indeed technology as sensitive as nuclear-powered
submarines, illustrates that the US is eager to bring its allies into the tent
to mitigate the country’s quantitative disadvantages and the slow decline of
their qualitative edge. Simply, qualitative deterrence is no longer sufficient.
This week, headlines of China’s recent hypersonic
missile test beamed on television and computer screens the world over:
“China tests physics-defying weapon near Aus” –
News.com.au
PROMOTED CONTENT
“China’s hypersonic missile test ‘close to Sputnik
moment’, says US general” – The Guardian
“US is ‘years behind’ China on hypersonic weapons,
Raytheon head says” – South China Morning Post
The Clausewitzians among us observe that war is a continuation of politics by other means. “Each strives by physical force to compel the other to submit to his will: his first object is to throw his adversary, and thus to render him incapable of further resistance,” the great theorist wrote.
Possessing neither a quantitative or qualitative
edge, how can the US compel others to support the global rules-based order?
Introducing the B-21
While most of the B-21’s capabilities remain
hushed in secrecy – open to few outside the Pentagon and Northrop Grumman –
domiciling the aircraft’s long-range strike capabilities will heavily tilt the
balance of power in the Indo-Pacific.
Analysts’ hypotheses of the B-21’s capabilities
range from logical to fanciful. While some sources suggest that the B-21 will
be able to travel anywhere on the world, even more measured analysts such as
ASPI’s Marcus Hellyer suggest that the B-21 would increase Australia’s strike
range at least threefold.
“It’s using two F-35 engines, for example, but it
will have three or four times the range of the F-35. That will allow it to
reach far out into the Indo-Pacific, greatly complicating the planning of any
adversary operating against us or our friends. It also means it can be based
deep inside Australia, far from threats, and still not need to rely on tanker
support,” Hellyer wrote in ASPI’s The Strategist.
In such an expansive region as Australia and the
Indo-Pacific, Hellyer outlines that Australia’s current fleet of F-35A jets do
not currently meet the requirements for strike missions in the event of a
potential conventional war in the region as the systems can only operate in a
1,000-kilometre radius – shorter than the striking distance of modern Chinese
missile systems.
In his analyses of the B-21, Hellyer reinforces a
critical point. The increased range of the B-21 allows the RAAF to tuck the
aircraft safely away in Australia’s interior, further from the strike capacity
of any potential enemies. Such capabilities will allow Australia to expand its
umbrella of deterrence over the Indo-Pacific, safely encompassing Australia’s
key regional allies under a Pax Australis.
The announcement of technology sharing
arrangements as part of the AUKUS partnership have set an optimistic precedent
for burden sharing between the two nations. Indeed, there is no shortage of
reasons as to why the US should embark upon further technology sharing
capabilities.
Firstly, enabling Australia to operate a regional
deterrence umbrella underpinned by both B-21s and nuclear-powered submarines
would enable the US to efficiently allocate troops. While Marine rotations in
Australia’s Top End is a welcome gesture and necessary for regional stability,
long-range strike options would allow the US to station troops in more
important regional theatres. Recently, this was evidenced with Russian troop
build ups on the boarder of Ukraine and military exercises in Belarus. With
energy coercion from Moscow and British troop cuts, there is little evidence
that the United States’ NATO partners have an appetite to support the
international rules-based order.
Secondly, in the face of inflation and economic
instability, burden sharing will allow the US to ensure the ongoing war
readiness of its military apparatus in more fundamental areas: troop pay, and
technology development. Recently, Marcus Weisgerber in Defense One noted, “The
biggest inflation spike in three decades has the Pentagon bracing for salary
increases and more expensive weapons, according to current and former defence
officials.” As such, technology sharing with one of the US’ closest allies will
ensure that the US military can go back to basics and make sure that soldiers
are paid and military technology makes its way to war fighters.
So far, it appears as though the B-21 technology
is currently on track. It is expected that the first B-21 will be finished in
early 2022, and complete its first flight shortly after. If all is successful
during this phase, the B-21s will likely be rolled out to the US Air Force in the
mid-to-late 2020s.
While Chinese sources have claimed that they have
developed unmanned aerial systems that can rival the B-21, some analysts have
rubbished these claims.
“The Feilong-2 (“Flying Dragon 2”) long-range
combat drone is a bomber-like aircraft that its developer, Zhongtian Feilong
Intelligent Technology of X’ian, China, says nears the B-21 in some ways and is
better in others, making it effectively just as good. The claim is, simply put,
preposterous,” Kyle Mizokami wrote in Popular Mechanics.
Interestingly, the price of the B-21s isn’t even particularly
prohibitive. “A squadron of 12 aircraft will likely total around $20-25 billion
once we add in bases, support systems such as simulators and maintenance
facilities, and so on. That’s a lot, but compared to the $45 billion to be
spent on future frigates, the $89 billion on submarines or indeed the $30
billion on armoured vehicles, it’s a price worth considering,” ASPI’s Hellyer
wrote in The Strategist.
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