Vance
choice heightens European fears over Trump presidency
By Jess Parker & James
Waterhouse, In Berlin and Kyiv
European
politicians and diplomats had already prepared for changes to their
relationship with the US in the event of a second Donald Trump presidency.
Now that the
Republican candidate has chosen Ohio Senator JD Vance as his running mate,
those differences appear even more stark on prospects for the war in Ukraine,
security and trade.
A vocal critic of
US aid to Ukraine, Mr Vance told this year’s Munich Security Conference that
Europe should wake up to the US having to “pivot” its focus to East Asia.
“The American
security blanket has allowed European security to atrophy,” he said.
Nils Schmid, a
senior MP in German Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s party, told the BBC that he was
confident a Republican presidency would continue to stay within Nato, even if
JD Vance came across as “more isolationist” and Donald Trump remained
“unpredictable”.
However, he warned
of a new round of “trade wars” with the US under a second Trump presidency.
An EU diplomat said
that after four years of Donald Trump no-one was naïve: “We understand what it
means if Trump comes back as a second-term president, regardless of his running
mate.”
Portraying the EU
as a sailing boat preparing for a storm the diplomat, who preferred not to be
named, added that whatever they might be able to tie down, it was always going
to be rough.
The US is Ukraine’s
biggest ally, and President Volodymyr Zelensky told reporters in Kyiv this
week: ”I’m not afraid about him becoming president, we will work together.”
He also said that
he believed most of the Republican party supported Ukraine and its people.
But even if that
sentiment is true, it might not apply to Mr Vance, who, days before the
full-scale invasion, told a podcast he “doesn’t really care what happens in
Ukraine, one way or the other”. He also played a key role in delaying a $60bn
military aid package from Washington.
“We need to try and
convince him otherwise,” says Yevhen Mahda, the Executive Director of the
Institute of World Policy think tank in Kyiv.
“A fact we can use
is that he fought in Iraq, therefore he should be invited to Ukraine so he can
see with his own eyes what is happening and how American money is spent.”
The question for
Kyiv will be to what extent he can influence the decisions of his new boss.
Yevhen Mahda agrees
that Trump’s unpredictability could be a problem for Kyiv in the run-up to the
US presidential election.
The biggest
supporter of the Trump-Vance ticket in the European Union is Hungary’s Viktor
Orban who returned recently from a visit to the Republican candidate, after
visiting Mr Zelensky and President Putin, with whom he maintains close ties.
In a letter to EU
leaders, Mr Orban said a victorious Donald Trump would not even wait to be
inaugurated as president before quickly demanding peace talks between Russia
and Ukraine.
“He has detailed
and well-founded plans for this," the letter states.
Mr Zelensky has
himself said this week that Russia should attend a peace summit possibly next
November, and he has promised a "fully ready plan". But he made clear
he had not come under Western pressure to do so.
Viktor Orban's
recent “peace missions” to Moscow and Beijing have sparked accusations that
he’s abusing his country’s six-month rotating presidency of the European
Council. European Commission officials have been told not to attend meetings in
Hungary because of Mr Orban’s actions.
During the Trump
presidency, the US imposed tariffs on EU-produced steel and aluminium. Although
they were paused under Joe Biden’s administration, Trump has since floated a
10% tariff on all overseas imports should he get back into the White House.
The prospect of
renewed economic confrontation with the US will be seen as a bad, even a
disastrous, outcome in most European capitals.
“The only thing we
know for sure is there will be punitive tariffs levelled on the European Union
so we have to prepare for another round of trade wars,” said Nils Schmid, the
Social Democrats’ foreign policy lead in the Bundestag.
JD Vance singled
out Berlin for criticism of its military preparedness earlier this year.
While he didn’t
mean to “beat up” on Germany, he said the industrial base underpinning its arms
production was totally insufficient.
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This will all pile
further pressure on Germany, Europe’s largest economy, to “step up” as a
principle player in underwriting European security.
After his
much-lauded “zeitenwende” (turning point) speech in response to Russia’s
full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Olaf Scholz was often accused of
hesitancy on supplying weapons to Kyiv.
But his allies are
always keen to point out that Germany is second only to the US in terms of
military aid to Kyiv while it has – for the first time since the end of the
Cold War – met the 2% GDP defence spending target, albeit via short-term
budgeting.
“I think we are on
the right track,” said Mr Schmid. “We have to build back an army that was
neglected for 15 to 20 years.”
But observers are
far from convinced that behind-the-scenes European preparations are either
serious or sufficient.
There are few
leaders with the political clout or inclination to champion the future security
architecture of an unwieldy European continent.
Chancellor Scholz
has an understated style and clear resistance to taking a lead on bolder
foreign policy positions – and faces a very real prospect of being voted out of
office next year.
French President
Emmanuel Macron has been left a severely weakened figure after calling
parliamentary elections that have left his country in a state of political
paralysis.
Polish President
Andrzej Duda warned on Tuesday that if Ukraine loses its struggle against
Russia “then Russia’s potential war with the West will be extremely imminent”.
“This voracious
Russian monster will want to attack on and on.”
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