Great-power politics
In Ukraine, Biden must
relearn Truman’s lessons from the cold war
America once again seeks to curb
Russia and China without blowing up the worldMar
26th 2022
WASHINGTON, DC
J oe Biden entered the White House last year styling
himself on Franklin Roosevelt. The better model today might be Harry Truman.
His words to Congress 75 years ago this month— “It must be the policy of the
United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation
by armed minorities or by outside pressures” —girded America for the cold war.
Those words have a new resonance as Ukraine, helped by the West, battles to
resist Russia’s month-old invasion.
As in the 1940s and 50s, the world is separating into
distinct blocs. The Eurasian giants, Russia and China, are again making common
cause. America is seeking to counter them by mustering allies around their
periphery, from Europe to Japan. Truman’s America was engaged in a fight
against communism; Mr Biden sees a global contest against autocracy. The
cold-war strategy of “containment” is being studied for the current age.
Understanding Russia’s
president
Writers have grappled with
Vladimir Putin for two decades Greyness, greed and grievance have
been the dominant themes
Mar
26th 2022
H e warned us . Vladimir Putin gave notice of who he was, and what he was capable of, in “First Person”, a transcript of interviews published in 2000, at the start of his overlong rule. In his youth, he recalled, he had been a tough little hoodlum who fought rats in the stairwell of his communal-apartment building and, later, brawled with strangers on the streets of Leningrad. “A dog senses when somebody is afraid of it,” he had learned, “and bites.” He prized loyalty and feared betrayal. He was hypersensitive to slights, to both his country and himself (concepts which, in the decades that followed, became perilously blurred).
He bore grudges. One of them was over the collapse of the Soviet Union.
In the interviews he reminisced about a jaunt to Abkhazia and a judo tournament
in Moldova: the Soviet empire had been his wealth and pride, and when it fell,
he took it hard. “I wanted something different to rise in its place,” he said
of the lost Soviet influence in eastern Europe. Frantically burning papers as a kgb officer in Dresden in 1989, grieving the “paralysis
of power” that seemed to have afflicted Moscow, he came to associate protesting
crowds with disintegration. Corruption, meanwhile, was only to be expected in
Russia, he implied—“and if somebody thinks that somebody stole something, let
him go and prove it.”
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